“Our freedom of choice in a competitive society rests on the fact that, if one person refuses to satisfy our wishes, we can turn to another. But if we face a monopolist we are at his absolute mercy. And an authority directing the whole economic system of the country would be the most powerful monopolist conceivable…it would have complete power to decide what we are to be given and on what terms. It would not only decide what commodities and services were to be available and in what quantities; it would be able to direct their distributions between persons to any degree it liked.” 
Nobel Laureate and a popular face of the Austrian school of economics, Friedrich A. Hayek's legendary work 'Road to Serfdom' was a monumental piece against the socialist and communist movements of the world and against the growing government control over the businesses - big and small. This book is a strong critic of collectivist thought, but we have to see it in the light of the time when it was written. The book was written post World War 2 when the world has seen the dictatorial National-Socialist regime of Germany under Hitler or communist rule in USSR under Stalin. Hayek, a classic liberalist, to be distinguished from those who believe that democracy can survive in a full-fledged socialist state, warned the world of the dangers of excessive, and in some cases absolute, government control. He was praised by later day successful free-market champion governments which brought sweeping reforms like that of Margaret Thatcher. Hayek lived long enough to see his theory turning true in some countries and some other taking corrective steps.

 'Road to Serfdom' by Friedrich A. Hayek
In initial few chapters of the book, Hayek argues against economic planning, till then existing in the form of Five Years Plans of Soviet rule and many other states pitching for central planning. Hayek's opposition to centralised planning was based on two reasons. First, that the centralised planning is too big a task to be executed efficiently by any authority. Any authority cannot decide for all sectors of industry keeping in mind the welfare of all sectors. It is bound to promote interests of a group or an industry and in the process neglecting all others. Thus effectively driving out entrepreneurship from the state because people will have to follow what planning authority have decided for them instead of acting as per the requirements of the market. The second point that Hayek raises against planning is that it creates too powerful a structure against which public can hardly go. This is logical also because  whatever planning authority has decided is to be implemented and if someone does not accept the decision taken for him, then force has to be used. This force is what leads to totalitarian regimes.

The biggest challenge that a socialist or communist state puts before an individual, in words of Hayek, is freedom or liberty. To quote Hayek himself,
”Democracy and socialism have nothing in common but one word: equality. But notice the difference: while democracy seeks equality in liberty, socialism seeks equality in restraint and servitude.”
He cites the example of the right to acquire land which was not given in communist regime of USSR. Hayek says that in that case an individual is always at the mercy of the state. There is no incentive to work. Also in a collectivist rule, a person cannot choose his field of interest as his way of livelihood earning. Hayek says that although the chances of a very poor becoming a very rich person in a free market economy are very less but that there is a chance is no mean achievement in itself. In a collectivist state only those favoured by people higher up in administration and hand-picked by them can become part of the influential class. 

Hayek also argues against the notion of security that a collectivist state is thought to offer. Consider a case where a person has acquired a skill by hard work over the years and then a scientific innovation leaves his skill redundant or a natural calamity roots out an already set up business or industry. Although humanitarian side says that government should come to the rescue of the concerned individuals but Hayek advises against that. He says that job security provided to an individual is a loss for others. For another person whose skill was rendered unrequired after an innovation and who now masters a new art for the living is inherently at a loss and that too because he adjusted to changed scenario. He also says that a situation of complete job security does not let an individual to give his best and hampers innovation. 

In one of the chapters, it is discussed how dictators rise from the society. Hayek says that initially that leader has a small following who see their benefit in the rise of that leader. With this set of followers, the leader cannot rise to the top, so they require an issue to get a mass following. Most of the time this issue is emotional one like the humiliating defeat of Germany in First World War and consequent signing of pacts which added to humiliation was used by Hitler to further National-Socialist rule in Germany. When the leader has a mass following and acquires authority, he will enact laws and create authorities to curtail individual freedom necessary for his unchallenged rule and survival of regime becomes the most important task of leader who by now has become a dictator because he cannot tolerate a single voice of dissent. 

Many issues raised in this book may seem trivial because the world has moved since then and most of the communist and socialist regimes have fallen since this book was written and at many points this book becomes monotonous but we have to keep in mind that this book was written in 1945 when the danger of collectivist takeover of the economies was real. Hayek also emphasized the role of government in ensuring competition in the market like governments have to check predatory marketing, and also ensuring that competition does not affect the sustainability of the ecosystem. What Hayek could not see was that whenever a powerful authority is created, it will curtail individual freedom irrespective of whether that authority was created by cronyism or collectivism. 


When a seasoned politician writes his autobiography, it is like a treasure trove. If he is writing it well before assuming a highly significant office, then he does not have to worry about the fallouts of his writings. An example can be given of the Barak Obama's autobiography, which he wrote in the early 1990s. When a politician writes an autobiography before retirement or when he is still in a race for a high office, then most of the time he is trying to make a statement. His writings are more concerned with image creation and also rectifying or diluting the effects of the mistakes committed in past.

Advani's autobiography My Country My Life falls into the second category. He may choose to speak in detail on few topics and avoid others, still it gives an account of his close encounter with events which changed the course of Indian politics. Lal Krishna Advani was Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister during Vajpayee government. He was also the president of a national political party of India.

The book is divided into five parts. Advani was born in the city of Karachi in Sindh in undivided India. The pain of partition runs deep through the community which was rendered homeless and has to cross the border to make new homes, as evident from Advani's account of the prevailing conditions of partition period. He devotes the first phase of the book to his upbringing in Karachi and how his family migrated to Kutch district in Gujarat. In the second phase, he describes his stint as Pracharak of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in Rajasthan state. He came closer to the politicians like Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya and also Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Later on, he would become friends and colleague with Vajpayee, a relation which is alive even today surviving more than six decades.

In the third part, Advani describes the situation during Nehru's and Indira's India till emergency (1975-77) and his role in it. He migrated to Delhi and started working as a journalist for The Organiser. He was elected to Delhi Metropolitan Council and became the speaker of the house. Later on, he entered Rajya Sabha to began his long Parliamentary Career. He was chosen to lead Bharatiya Jana Sangh (the predecessor of Bharatiya Janta Party, BJP) which made him rise to prominence in national politics. The fourth part describes the years as the President of BJP when he spearheaded the Mandir Movement. These were the years which redefined the Indian politics. The strength of BJP increased manifold and it formed its own government at Centre and he became Home Minister, the stint which he describes in the fourth part.

His tenure as the Home Minister was a very happening one. He talks in detail about the Naxalite challenge, the separatist movement in North-East India, cross-border terrorism in Kashmir, the failure of Vajpayee-Musharraf Summit in Agra and the setting up of a committee to review the working of the Indian Constitution. He makes efforts to explain the events of Gujarat riots and gives incidents of his efforts as Home Minister. During a visit to Pakistan, he praised Jinnah which was not well received in India. He also explains his position regarding Jinnah giving historical instances.

Overall the book is easy to read. For those interested in political history, this will be interesting. But to read views of only one side is not recommended. One should read counter views too before forming an opinion on any issue, more so on political issues. Also, read this book for a life account of a refugee who left his home and then gradually rose through ranks to hold one of the highest offices in the Central Government.


मौसम-ए-गुल में छोड़कर जा रहा हूँ जान-ए-फ़िज़ा
कल और आएंगे गुलों के क़द्रदान चमन में मेरे बाद।

मैं जुर्म-ए-उल्फत का गुनहगार हूँ मैं यह मानता हूँ
कौन कहता है कि अमन आ जायेगा यहाँ मेरे बाद।

तुम्हारी तस्वीर जो मैंने तसव्वुर से खींची हैं
आईने के सामने बैठकर मिला लेना मेरे बाद।

मेरे सामने आकर तुम्हारा शर्माना चलता रहेगा
मैं पूँछ लूँगा तुम चाँद से सब कह देना मेरे बाद।

शिर्क़ जैसा गुनाह किया है तुम्हारी इबादत करके
रुस्वा किया जायेगा मुझे क़ाफ़िर कहकर मेरे बाद।

वही सबा वही फ़िज़ा वही उजाले वही अँधेरे होंगे
चार सू देखना कुछ भी नहीं बदलेगा मेरे बाद।

है मक़ाम-ए-इश्क़ क्या यायावर और क्या हासिल
वो सब सोचेगा कभी फुरसत में लेकिन मेरे बाद।

तसव्वुर-Imagination; शिर्क़-Polytheism;



कहानी लिखना शुरू करने के पहले ही
कहानी के अंत के बारे में सोचता हूँ
सोचता हूँ कि मैं कैसे इसके अंत को
अधिक प्रभावशाली बनाऊँ
और लोग कहते भी तो बस इतना हैं
कि फलां कहानी के आखिर के
दो-तीन अनुच्छेद बहुत अच्छे थे
सिर्फ आखिरी पन्ना पढ़ के
कहानी का मज़मून भांप लेने की
लोगों की आदत भी तो जाती नहीं
तो मैंने भी सोचा कि अगली कहानी का अंत
थोड़ा दमदार बनाया जायेगा।

कहानी का अंत दुखद हो तो
थोड़ा वास्तविक लगता है
वैसे भी जीवन में
ज्यादातर कहानियों के अंत ऐसे ही होते हैं
दुखद अंत होने पर पाठक को
झकझोर भी सकता हूँ
सोचने पर मजबूर भी कर सकता हूँ
और यह भी भरोसा रहता है कि
साहित्य के समालोचकों से
दो-चार शाबाशी के शब्द
कुछ तालियां भी मिल ही जायेंगी
कि इस कहानी में जीवन की सच्चाइयों का मार्मिक चित्रण है
फिर सोचता हूँ कि
जीवन से जूझते जूझते
अगर किताबों में भी वही संघर्ष वही लड़ाई मिलेगी
तो पाठक कहानी के अंत में क्या नया पायेगा
जो जीवन है वही कहानी है।

तब मैं सोचता हूँ कि
कहानी का अंत सुखद होना चाहिए
मानता हूँ कि ये थोड़ा वास्तविकता से परे होगा
लेकिन क्यों न पाठक को
कुछ देर के लिए ही सही
कल्पना की दुनिया में ले जाया जाए
सितारों को जमीन से मिलाया जाये
कहानी का मज़ा तब होगा
जब वो दुखों को कुछ देर के लिए ही सही
लेकिन भूल जाये
फिर सोचता हूँ कि
कल्पनाओं में जीने के बाद सच्चाई से
रूबरू होने पर
दुःख आदमी को और ज्यादा दुखी करते हैं
कहानी का उद्देश्य यह नहीं होना चाहिए
कि यह कुछ कराये न कराये
बस सपने दिखाए
कहानी का लक्ष्य तब पूरा होगा जब
उसमे खुद का अक्स नज़र आये ।

तब मन में तीसरा ख्याल आता है
कि कहानी को मध्यमार्गी बनाया जाये
थोड़ा सुख थोड़ा दुःख मिलाया जाये
सबको दोनों से थोड़ा थोड़ा परिचित कराया जाये
तब मन में विद्रोह के स्वर उभर आते हैं
कि ये कहानी कोई कूटनीति का मैदान थोड़े ही है
जहाँ पर दोनों पक्षों को खुश करने से
मेरी सफलता का आंकलन होगा
कि ये कोरा कागज़ कोई वो जगह तो नहीं है
जहाँ मैं समझौते के बीज बोऊंगा
मैं लिखूंगा तो अपने मन की बात लिखूंगा
और मैं फिर से वहीं आ जाता हूँ
जहाँ से हर बार शुरू करता हूँ
फिर से कलम कहानी की शुरुआत के लिए प्रयासरत है
और मन कहानी के अंत में व्यस्त है ।


Operation Blue Star in 1984 - to flush out separatists from sacred Golden Temple - is one of the most controversial and at the same time one of the most impactful incidents in recent history of India. There are several books written on this topic and several accounts by journalists are available. Out of them, I have shortlisted 'Operation Blue Star, The True Story' by Lt. Gen. K.S. Brar and 'Operation Blue Star, Indira Gandhi's Last Battle'. Even Journalist Tavleen Singh devotes one chapter to the Operation and pre and post-operation scenarios in her book 'Durbar'. I started with the book penned by K.S Brar because he was there for the whole duration of operation and also because I wanted to know how military makes and evolves their strategies. Having said that I have always believed that to get a neutral picture of any historical event one has to read as many contrasting views as possible and then form his own opinion based on arguments put before him for it is very easy to get carried away by reading one side of a story.

'Operation Blue Star: The True Story' by K.S. BrarK.S. Brar was a Major General stationed in Meerut when he was told to report to Western Command of Indian Army. In fact, he was planning a foreign trip with his wife and had to abandon that in view of the task assigned to him. On questions of him not being assertive enough in asking more time for being prepared as Gen. Manekshaw did during Bangladesh Liberation War, Gen. Brar says that the fear of groundswell in favour of Bhindranwale was so real that any further delay would have further aggravated the already serious situation in Punjab. He was given four days to gather necessary intelligence and make his strategy, which he did in due time. All preparations such as cordoning off the area, army's takeover of law and order situation in Punjab and making vantage points outside the periphery of Golden Temple premises were done during this time. 

During actual operation, the army was surprised by the firepower of Bhindranwale and his associates. Also in presence was a battle-hardened retired army officer Shabeg Singh who trained separatists so well that they could hold ground for such a long time as was thought necessary for the news of the attack on Golden Temple to reach to villages and a movement of peasants towards Amritsar could start. Several fortifications and placement of heavy guns, even rocket launchers, tells the level of preparedness and also the acumen of Shabeg Singh. I wondered why Shabeg Singh was so angry with establishment and I got the answer in Tavleen Singh's Durbar. Shabeg Singh was stripped from military services just one day before his retirement on some corruption charges and because of that he could not avail retirement benefits. For an officer who was highly lauded for his role in Bangladesh-liberation War of 1971, this was too humiliating and he said that all this was done because he was a Sikh. No effort was made to address the concern of Shabeg Singh which was a grave mistake.

As army miscalculated the preparedness of separatists, reinforcements were called. Having suffered heavy casualties, tanks were brought inside Golden Temple premises. Although K.S. Brar repeatedly tells us that tanks did not use their main guns and their primary purpose was to provide cover to soldiers but the picture of Akal Takht after Operation tells another story. Although for the fate of Akal Takht, Bhindranwale was no less responsible, as he took shelter in Akal Takht where even no Guru resided. Brar says that the fear of Bhindranwale's associates blowing Harmandir Sahib to provoke the sentiments of masses was very real and that is why soldiers were sent at the earliest possible time. By next day afternoon, the operation was declared successful. 

Brar takes this opportunity to refute many allegations. Brahma Chellaney, then reporting for Western media, sent a dispatch that Sikhs were mass-killed after tying their hands backwards. Brar says that all the persons in the premises including devotees were tied when hostels and sarais were secured so that the militants can be separated from devotees after verification by police and intelligence agencies. In one such a process, a scuffle broke out between a militant and army personnel and he was killed, but Tavleen Singh gives an altogether different account significantly reducing the credibility of Brar's theory. She says that while going towards Amritsar, she saw a truck full of bodies of Sikhs with the turban tied over their mouths and hands tied over their back. It was such a telling picture of the situation in Punjab. Brar also refutes reports that he was seen in person inside the premise. He says in that case if he would have been captured or killed inside, it would have hampered the whole operation. 

One question which Brar brings for discussion is that whom should army has its allegiance to - the nation or the government. Brar says that 'loyalty to the nation' is very vague term until there is an authority which is thought to represent the nation and in this case it was a duly elected government. Army officers and soldiers getting killed in action and later getting blamed for the bloodshed is not acceptable as they were following government orders. Both state and central governments should be blamed for mishandling the situation both before the operation leading to military intervention and post the operation causing mutinies by soldiers at few places and the 1984 riots. With decisive governments, these incidents could have been avoided.